ZENON BUJALSKI

Warsaw, 6 May 1949. A member of the Main Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in Poland, Norbert Szuman (MA), heard the person named below as an unsworn witness. Having been advised of the criminal liability for making false declarations, the witness testified as follows:


Name and surname Zenon Paweł Bujalski
Date and place of birth 15 January 1912, Krukówek
Names of parents Kazimierz and Stanisława, née Morzycka
Occupation of the father farmer
State affiliation and nationality Polish
Religious affiliation Roman Catholic
Education secondary
Occupation office worker
Place of residence Warsaw, Wiśniowa Street 48, flat 6
Criminal record none

When the Warsaw Uprising broke out, I was in my flat at Kazimierzowska Street 85. On the morning of 2 August 1944, the Germans – SS men from Stauferkaserne – stormed into our house and the neighboring ones on Rakowiecka Street, and shouting raus they threw out all civilians. Together with women and children, we were herded into pavilion b of the Stauferkaserne building (the witness showed the location on the plan made by witness Grzelski). Some three hours later, the Germans took all the men from pavilion b to the courtyard (leaving behind only the elderly with children in their arms) and put us against the wall of pavilion d, whereas the women were taken to pavilion d. I noticed that some men who had not been herded with us were also put against the wall of pavilion d. All the time, the Germans were bringing new groups of men. At 8.00 p.m. the women were released. We, in turn, were divided into groups: Volksdeutscher were put in the corner by pavilion b; in the opposite corner of pavilion b were those Poles who did not have identity papers; and by the wall of pavilion d, the rest of the men who had their identity papers on them.

Obersturmführer Patz was the commander of the Stauferkaserne. He explained to us through an interpreter that we were hostages taken in retaliation for the killing of five thousand wounded Germans in German hospitals which had been done by the insurgents, and that we would be executed as punishment for this crime. The Germans started firing a machine gun placed by wall b (the witness still refers to the plan made by witness Grzelski) in the direction of the men standing by the wall d. However, that shooting was only a form of harassment, as the SS men were shooting above the heads of the people. After that “execution,” Obersturmführer Patz again announced through the interpreter that we would be kept as hostages and should the uprising not fall within three days, we would all be executed. Then we were placed in the barracks. I was assigned to pavilion c. Five days later the commander came and told us that we would not be executed, but that we would not be released either. I had learned before that during the first days of our stay (I don’t remember the exact date), the Germans had twice taken a dozen men from pavilion b (the one with the Volksdeutscher and Poles who were treated with suspicion as they had no papers) and executed them by the wall of that pavilion. A day after the execution, when we left for dinner – which was brought by women the same as every day between noon and 2.00 p.m. – I saw bullet marks on the wall of pavilion b and fresh bloodstains in the sand by the wall in the courtyard of the Stauferkaserne. Allegedly – I heard this from the Germans – executions of civilians from the neighborhood took place there on a more regular basis.

Somewhere in the middle of August it was announced to us that if our women did not tear down the barricades built by the insurgents in the vicinity of German units, we would be starved to death. A delegation of women with white flags went to the insurgents with that demand of the Germans. However, the insurgents replied that they would not demolish the barricade, and should the Germans starve the men in the Stauferkaserne, they would be starving German prisoners of war. This is why the threat of the SS men was not carried out.

On about 28 August, the Gestapo men from aleja Szucha arrived at the Stauferkaserne. They ordered the men from pavilions c and d to make lists of people with university degrees. As there was no agreement among the hostages whether such lists should be made, the Germans ordered everyone to go out to the inner courtyard and stand by the walls of pavilions c and e. Then they chose some 60 men, among whom there were a few laborers, and announced that they would be used for burying corpses in aleja Szucha. As far as I know, none of these men has returned to this day.

On 29 August 1944 I fled from the Stauferkaserne to my house at Kazimierzowska Street 89.

Apart from the information about the Stauferkaserne which I have provided above, I have information from an eyewitness (I don’t remember his surname, but I will submit it presently) concerning a crime committed on the premises of the Mokotów prison.

I also know from the residents of the house at Narbutta Street 27 or 27a that the Germans took all the men from one of these houses and executed them. I don’t know whether the crime was committed on the spot or in the Stauferkaserne.

During the uprising, two women lived in our house: Maria Sitarek, 27 years old, and Maria Siwcówna. They were German spies and reported to the Germans about everything they learned from the insurgents. Apart from them, another resident of our house during the uprising, a 47 year old engineer, Eugeniusz Tilinger, was a Leiter and interpreter in our house and was a minion of the Germans. Not only did he take ransom from Poles for not giving them up to the Germans, but he also demolished basements and robbed houses in the neighborhood. He shared his loot with a Gestapo man who lived in our house, the so-called commissioner. Apart from that he committed numerous other atrocities.

At this the report was concluded and read out.